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Please fix any grammatical errors carefully and include the new sources in the bibliography. I copied and pasted most of it so please use your own words. Its 30 pages long but you can cut it down to 15 pages.?




Latino Media Gap


Student?s Name













Apparently, there is severs lack of representation in the media at all spectrums. From news on television,


lead roles in sitcoms or roles in movies where side or lead, lack of representation is hurting our image of the


new America in which we live in. Latinos makes up 17 % of the population yet only play lest than 2% of the


roles played on TV. Even when Latinos or Latinas do get roles on the screen, it is usually a stereotypical ?help?


service that they provide such as the maid, the harlat sexy Latina servicing the white actor, a criminal and police


officer or a drunkard. Even now in the Trump election, the motto of illegal immigrants are ruining our country is


being fervented all throughout the media. On prime time local news, only news of delinquency in Latino


neighborhoods is dished out for mainstream America to fear us instead of embracing all the good things we do


and have done in the United States of America. The first question will be why am I researching this topic? The


reason I am researching this topic is because I feel that the Latin stereotype has continued on from its inception


in the late 1800?s of the Monroe doctrine showing Latin American as backwards and jungle like and America


needed to flex its muscles to show the undisciplined childlike behavior of the populace and that they needed the


strong arm disciplinary actions, it has existed until this day even thought the Doctrine was over 167 years ago.


My topics of will consist of the following points along with several subplots per topic: When was the 1st


recorded Latino portrayal on TV/Print Media? What characters did they play on TV/Movie roles? Why did they


play those characters? What is the difference of the portrayal of the characters in the Early 1900?s to now? Has


there been progress or digression. My paper will consist of Latino representation in the media and how it


impacts the stereotypes in mainstream culture.


Who are Latinos?


Another important methodological consideration refers to the term ?Latino.? As there are different


definitions and these can affect statistical outcomes, the present study defines Latinos as persons born in the


United States who are of Latin American descent and/or who have been born in Latin America and have









immigrated to the United States. We identified Latino talent by surname, place of origin, self-identification, and


other corroborating data. Being that Spaniards are regularly confused with Latinos in media representations and


tend to play Hispanic-coded roles, we refer to their influence and presence but do not count them as Latinos for


statistical purposes. In addition, the report uses the terms Latino and Hispanic interchangeably


The Monroe Doctrine


The Monroe Doctrine was the first known overall depiction that was shown all across the world and it


continues until this day. Until we get to this part, let us look at what was the content of the Doctrine. James


Monroe was the fifth President of the United States, serving between 1817 and 1825. With the knowledge that


the British navy would defend Latin America from the Holy Alliance and France, President Monroe took the


occasion of his 1823 annual message to Congress to pronounce what would become known as the Monroe


Doctrine with the aim of ending the toleration of any further extension of European domination in the


Americans. In this period of time revolutions were sweeping across the landscape in Latin America and in


Europe. Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France joined an alliance to combat and/or eliminate any type of


revolutions in their surroundings. Spain lost a lot of its colonies in Latin America due to the revolutionary


actions of those respective countries (Latin America and the Monroe Doctrine < Westward Expansion and


Regional Differences < History 1994 < American History From Revolution To Reconstruction and beyond,


2016). Spain wanted those colonies back, but Britain along with the alliance wanted to defend the Latin


countries from Spain. The US intervened and came up with the doctrine to prevent future colonialism coming


from Europe. Any attempt against this doctrine, would be a direct declaration of war against the US. At glance,


it looked like a big brother, little brother relationship but in the back end it was a lone imperialist move by the


US in where they saw the immense profits from the huge amounts of resources available to them and the


political implications of dominion. Several newspaper articles showed images as the above with the negative









implications of Hispanics/Latinos being portrayed in a negative light. The helpless, needful, cannot do for


themselves image is still permeated today.



(Teddy Roosevelt and His ?Big Stick?, 2013)


The image of above shows US President?s depiction of Teddy Roosevelts ?Big Stick Policy? which was


a continuation of the Monroe Doctrine but much more authoritative. Roosevelt wanted America to be the


?world police? and protect their interests at all costs and show the military might it had at the time. Again, in the


picture above you see Teddy Rossevelt in a god like figure showing authority. On his bottom left, you see brown


skin people with sombreros looking uncivilized in need of ?New Diplomacy? and to the left are the European


governments complaining to the hegemonic American government that they have the right to collect the debts


from the third world Latin government (The Monroe Doctrine (1823). (2016).









(Chery, 2015)


As you can see in this picture, the image of the American savior and the dependent Latin woman on her


knees begging for a savior is very preminant.


Latinos in the modern USA


Latinos are a powerful force in American society. Topping fifty-three million, Latinos constitute one of


the fastest growing ethnic groups in the United States, comprising 17% of the population and over 20% of the


key 18?34 marketing demographic. Relative to the general population, Latinos also attend more movies and


listen to radio more frequently than do any other U.S. racial or ethnic group. In addition, their purchasing


power is steadily increasing. By 2015, Hispanic buying power is expected to reach $1.6 trillion. To put this


figure in perspective: if U.S Latinos were to found a nation, that economy would be the 14th largest in the











Analysis of role of gender, race, and national origin in media employment opportunities


In the 1940s, the Latino population was close to 2%. At this point, Latino actors made up 0.9% of lead


appearances and 2% of all leads in the top ten movies. In the 1950s, Latinos were 2.8% of the population, 1.3%


of lead appearances, and 1.7% of total leads. From 2000 to 2013, among the ten films with the highest domestic


gross Figure 2: Percentage of Latino Actor Appearances in Top Ten Highest-Rated Scripted TV Shows


(Sources: IMDb and U.S. Census, 1950?2013). A comparison between Latino participation today and in earlier


periods reveals that, over the last decades, one finds very modest gains alongside stagnation and decline. Latino


lead role appearances decreased from 2.8% in the 2000s to 1.4% in the 2010s (see Figure 3). At the same time,


the percentage of Latino actors playing leading roles fell under 2%. The number of Latino supporting actors has


grown in absolute terms, but remains low and the gap has widened since the 1940s. Not unlike television?but


without the Desilu exception?Latinos have accounted for a small fraction of top ten movie producers, directors,


and writers. The last decades suggest that growth for Latinos in film will continue to be slow. From 2000 to


2009, Latinos accounted for 2.4% of directors, 0.8% of producers, and 0.6% of writers. In absolute terms, most


of these numbers went up in the 2010-2013 period: Latinos were 2.3% of directors, 2.2% of producers and 6%


of writers. The relative increase of writers in the top ten movies, however, should not be confused with a


significant expansion of opportunity for U.S. Latinos in the film industry. It is instead indicative of very slow


gains in U.S. Latino employment, combined with much faster rates of incorporation of star Latin American


talent, a generally misunderstood trend that we will discuss further below.


1. Role of gender


As noted in the opening pages, this study uses the term ?Latino? to encompass U.S. and Latin


American? born talent of all races and both genders. Yet, the routine count of Latino talent without further


qualification may mask more complex patterns of marginalization. These are important to note in order to better


address specific barriers to participation that may relate to gender, race, and national origin, among other









categories of social difference. For example, while the overall inclusion of Latinos is limited, when we consider


gender, we see a striking phenomenon: the near disappearance of the Latino lead actor concurrent with a relative


increase in the number of lead Latina actresses. This represents a significant change. Up until the 1990s, there


were considerably more male than female leads in both film and television. The current trend reached its highest


point in the 2010-2013, when Latino men did not play any leading roles in the top ten films but Latinas played


5.9% of female leads and 100% of Latino protagonists. In the 2000?2009, Afro-Latinos accounted for 50% of


Latino film leads. The greater presence of Latina actresses and characters is a welcome and significant change.


At the same time, this increase has not completely translated into greater visibility for Latina actresses or


storylines. On the one hand, most of the roles played by Latinas in the top ten movies were of animated or


fantasy characters in films such as Shrek Forever After (Cameron Diaz), How to Train Your Dragon (America


Ferrera) and Avatar (Zoe Salda?a). On the other hand, Diaz and Ferrera voiced ?white? characters, underscoring


that the long-term success of stars like Diaz has been partly rooted in that she is rarely identified as Latina. On


television, we see a similar gender trend (see Figure 5). In the 2000?2009, men disappeared from leading roles


while the number of women playing lead characters rose. Although currently there are no Latina leads in any of


the top ten television shows, Sofia Vergara plays a main character in the ensemble comedy Modern Family.


Significantly, Vergara?s success is part of a larger drift. In the supporting actor category, women have likewise


gained greater visibility than men. In the 2010-2013 seasons, Latinas constituted 11.8% of female supporting


roles while Latino men were only 4.9% of supporting male roles. In general, Latinas played 67% of all


supporting Latino characters. The current gender economy suggests that media decision makers view Latinas as


more culturally desirable than Latino men.


2. Race and national origin


Whereas the majority of Latino actors are considered ?Hispanic white? and there are few Afro-Latino


stars, from 2000 to 2013, Afro-Latino actors like Laz Alonso, Rosario Dawson, Jon Huertas, Zoe Salda?a, and









Ruben Santiago-Hudson became increasingly more prominent in both movies and/or on television. Measuring


this increase with precision poses some challenges. To date, there is no definitive census data regarding the


number of Afro-Latinos in 2000. Yet, even if we used the arguably higher 2010 census figures of 0.4% of total


population and 2.5% of the Latino segment as reference points, Afro-Latino actors still over?indexed in all


categories in both number of actors and frequency of appearances. In film, during the 2000?2009 period, they


accounted for 0.6% of total lead roles and supporting actor appearances as well as 20% of Latino lead


appearances and 20.8% of supporting actor appearances. This trend appears to be weakening slightly in recent


years. From 2010 to 2013, no Afro-Latino actor was cast in a leading role. The supporting actor category,


however, continues to over? index. In the last three years, Afro-Latinos comprised 0.5% of supporting actor


appearances and 16.7% of Latino supporting actor appearances (see Figure 7). On television, Afro-Latino actors


have yet to be cast in a leading role. But from 2000 to 2009, Afro-Latinos constituted 1.3% of all supporting


actor appearances and 16.7% of Latino supporting actor appearances. In the 2010?2013 seasons, this trend


marginally increased with Afro-Latinos continuing to represent 1.3% of supporting actors but 18.2% of Latino


supporting actor appearances. Latino indigenous actors are less salient. According to the 2010 census,


indigenous Latinos constitute 0.2% of the U.S. population and 1.4% of all Latinos. Although not measured by


the census, an even greater number of Latinos claim indigenous roots and/or are mestizos (of European and


Native descent). Yet, there are currently no indigenous Latino stars. Self-identified mestizo actors such as John


Leguizamo and Benjamin Bratt, however, are more visible. On film, from 2000 to 2009, mestizos accounted for


0% of Latino leads, 0.2% of all supporting actors, and 8.3% of Latino supporting actor appearances. In the


2010-2013 period, mestizos held no lead roles but were 0.3% of all supporting actors, and 8.3% of Latino


supporting appearances. On television, from 2000 to 2009, mestizos did not play any lead or supporting roles.


Still, In the 2010- 2013 period, they constituted 1.3% of supporting roles and 16.7% of Latino supporting actor


appearances. Arguably, the differences in incorporation of Afro-Latino and indigenous actors relate to how









Afro-Latinos can signify both Latino and black identities to key demographics. National origin also plays an


important role in acting opportunity but considerably more in film than on television. This is evident in that


some of the most popular ?Latin? movie stars of the last decade are not U.S. Latinos but Latin American or


Spanish-formed actors like Salma Hayek, Javier Bardem, Antonio Banderas, and Pen?lope Cruz. The Spanish


trend is particularly robust in the 2010-2013. Whereas Spaniards comprise less than 0.2% of the U.S. population


(and if counted as Hispanic, 1.4% of Latinos), in the top ten movies, they played 50% of Latino-coded leads and


27% of Latino supporting roles. In television, however, the vast majority of TV stars portraying Latino roles are


U.S.-raised Latinos. The most visible exception is Vergara. Differences in race and gender are also significant


behind the camera?in dissimilar ways. While Afro-Latinos over?index in some acting categories, from 2010 to


2013, no self-identified Afro-Latinos served as writers, directors, or producers. In the top ten TV shows, Latinas


constituted 0% of producers and 33% of all Latino directors. At the same time, they are over?indexed as writers


accounting for 75% of all Latino writers on television. In film, the situation is nearly the opposite: Latinas


represented Figure 8: Latino and Latin American Directors, Producers, and Writers, 2010?2013 (Source: IMDb)


33% of Latino producers but none of the Latino directors or writers. Equally relevant, Latin American national


origin correlates with behind the-camera opportunity in the movie industry. If from 2010 to 2013 Latin


Americans represented a small fraction of TV talent; in film, Latin American directors, writers, and producers


such as Alfonso Cuar?n (Gravity) and Guillermo del Toro (The Hobbit: The Desolation of Smaug) constituted


66% of all top ten Latino movie talent. Broken down by creative position, Latin American?born and formed


professionals, mostly from Mexico, made up 100% of directors, 75% of writers, and 50% of producers (see


Figure 8). NORTH OR SOUTH OF THE BORDER: WHY DOES IT MATTER? Latin American culture and


artists have always been a rich part of U.S. media history. Likewise, the distinction between U.S. Latino and


Latin American talent can be porous in the context of growing interconnectivity between the hemisphere?s


media industries. It can also be relative, as many Latin American professionals. If Latino participation seems









limited in entertainment, it is nearly non-existent in news. Our survey of 19 primetime shows revealed that of 22


anchors featured in top news shows, 20 or 90.9% were white and two (9%) were black??Van Jones of CNN?s


Crossfire and Al Sharpton of MSNBC?s Politics Nation. No anchor was Latino. Among the 21 top news


executive producers, all were white, including three women. Of the eight shows that posted information on their


websites regarding their producing staff, all of which were on CBS, NBC, and MSNBC, only two of 114


producers, or 1.8%, were Latino (see Figure 9). These were Andres Triay of CBS News with Scott Pelley, and


Mario Garcia of NBC Nightly News with Brian Williams. Fox, CNN, and ABC did not provide information in


their sites nor did they respond to our queries. Using alternative sources, we also identified that CNN?s


Anderson Cooper 360 has had at least one Latino producer on staff in the past, David Puente. The lack of


Latinos applies to news stories as well: A study by the National Association of Hispanic Journalists focusing on


the 1995?2004 period found that ?in nine of 10 years, Latino stories made up less than 1 percent of all network


news stories.?7 Of these, 66% focused on crime or illegal immigration (see Figure 10). Since 2004, the first


trend has actually worsened: a forthcoming study by scholar Federico Subervi on news story topics from 2008


to 2012 found that the percentage of general market TV network news stories highlighting Latinos declined


from 1% in 2008 to 0.6% in 2012.


The Latino media gap: How Latinos are portrayed in the American media industry


Latinos are not only avid media consumers; they have made important contributions to the film and


television industries, and currently over-index as digital communicators and online content creators. Moreover,


they are watchful of their image: when programs or films are perceived to have anti-Latino content, advocacy


groups and consumers target studios and networks with increasingly effective campaigns. Simultaneously,


programs and movies featuring compelling Latino talent and storylines are rewarded with high ratings and


revenue. Yet, with few exceptions, Latino participation in mainstream English-language media is stunningly


low. A review of the top movies and television programs reveals that there is a narrower range of stories and









roles, and fewer Latino lead actors in the entertainment industry today, than there were seventy years ago.


Likewise, whereas the Latino population grew more than 43% from 2000 to 2010, the rate of media


participation?behind and in front of the camera, and across all genres and formats?stayed stagnant or grew


only slightly, at times proportionally declining even further


When Latinos are visible, they tend to be portrayed through decades-old stereotypes as criminals, law


enforcers, cheap labor, and hyper-sexualized beings. To visualize the magnitude of Latino media exclusion, we


can imagine that references to the states of California (38 million people), Illinois (12.8 million) and Rhode


Island (1 million), New York (19.6 million), Florida (19.5 million), and Pennsylvania (12.7 million) are


eliminated from American media culture. In rare case that audiences saw or heard anything about, say,


California or Illinois, we would be shown bikini-clad women and gangsters. In this report, we have named this


conundrum the Latino media gap: as Latino consumer power grows, relative Latino media presence shrinks.


Although the modest increase in numbers and the success of a handful of stars like Jennifer Lopez is


noteworthy, the rate of incorporation is out of step with the massive demographic changes sweeping the country.


The consequences of this gap are far-reaching.


For instance, the Latino Media Gap report makes eight principal findings on the gap between Latino


presence and media inclusion in the U.S. today. First of all, Latino participation in programming and movies is


extremely limited. In general, Latino media participation has modestly increased since the 1940s. But, per


capita, it is the same or lower than it was in prior decades in major categories. For example, in the 1950s,


Latinos were on average 2.8% of the U.S. population. In the top ten scripted shows, however, Latinos were


3.9% of lead actor appearances and 1.5% of all lead roles; in the top ten movies, Latinos made up 1.3% of lead


appearances and played 1.7% of lead roles. Yet, in 2013, despite being 17% of the population, Latinos


comprised none of the lead actors among the top ten movies and scripted network TV shows.









Latino men have disappeared as leading actors; though the percentage of Latinas and Afro-Latino actors


is rising. Until the 1990s, there were considerably more Latino male leads than Latina leads in TV shows and


films. This trend has significantly reversed. In the 2010?2013, Latino men did not perform any leading roles in


the top ten films and TV shows, and constituted fewer than 3% of supporting television and film actor


appearances. Latinas suggests persistent and unchecked job discrimination in a major U.S. industry. The


relegation of Latinos similarly deprives media consumers of innovative perspectives at a moment of rapid


industry and demographic change. Equally important, as entertainment and news reports often carry more


weight than do other forms of communication, the limited and stereotypical nature of existing stories about


Latinos skews the public?s perception of U.S. society. It also sanctions hostility toward the country?s largest


minority, which has already become the majority in many cities, including the media capitals of Miami and Los




The Latino media gap examines the state of Latino participation in mainstream media and the Internet


with the goal of identifying challenges and opportunities to promote an inclusive media landscape. One of the


most comprehensive reports on Latinos and U.S. media provide an overview of critical issues, namely rates of


media participation, stereotyping, ownership, leadership, diversity policies, economic impact of diversity,


Latino advocacy, and Latino innovation that plays important role in Latino media gap. The first three sections


focus on the stagnation and proportional decline of Latino participation in media since 1940 while noting new


trends in the incorporation of women and Afro-Latinos. The last four sections emphasize approaches, initiatives,


and individuals that are both expanding opportunity for Latinos in media and transforming the industries.


The Latino media gap has also narrowed. Presently, 36.6% of Latino TV character appearances are in


law enforcement and a whopping 44.7% of Latino-coded television characters are either unaccredited or


unnamed. Equally important, 69% of iconic media maids in film and television since 1996 are Latina. Stories


about Latinos constitute less than 1% of news media coverage, and the majority of these stories feature Latinos








as lawbreakers. Moreover, Latino participation in front and behind the camera is extraordinarily low: As of



2013, there were no Latino anchors or executive producers in any of the nation?s top news programs. According


to available data, only 1.8% of news producers are Latinos. When possible, Latino media consumers reward


shows and films that feature compelling Latino talent and storylines with high ratings and revenue. This is


evident in the success of the Lifetime television show Devious Maids, the radio program Cohen and Martinez


on NPR, and the Universal Studios? movie franchise The Fast and the Furious. Latinos also reject and organize


against extreme stereotypical representations, as in the case of the campaigns against the canceled scripted


shows Rob and Work It, and the news program Lou Dobbs Tonight.


Latino consumer pressure is increasingly effective in bringing about change by using the Internet and


social media. From 1968 to 1998, 63% of Latino media campaigns aimed at television shows, advertisements,


or movies prevailed in all or part of their goals. After 1998, this figure jumped to 86%. Even further, the average


length of time required to obtain a successful also did not play any television leads. Still, they were 4.6% of all


female film lead appearances and 9.5% of all TV supporting female appearances. On television, Latinas


accounted for 67% of Latino supporting roles. In addition, while there were few Afro-Latino stars in prior eras,


the percentage of prominent Afro-Latino actors has significantly increased. From 2010 to 2013, Afro-Latino


performers represented 18.2% of Latino film actors and 16.7% of Latino TV actors, although they were


generally confined to supporting roles in both media.


As Latinos...


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Oct 15, 2019





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