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Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 . * * * * * *...

Hey glennokayo, 

Couple Weeks ago you made for me a critical Analysis for the Truman doctrine. 

I am uploading it for you as I need it together with the Iron curtain speech. 

I need you to make the truman doctrine shorter and add the curtain speech. 

They need to be linked together.

Here are some point also.

  • 1. mention polarity or mobilise mainstream theory to explain the behaviour of the emerging superpowers (or critical theory to critique them).
  • 2. their significance in the context of the emerging Cold War
  • 3. describe the context as Soviet Union expanding its sphere of influence in eastern Europe. With increasing tension between US and USSR, truman doctrine and iron curtain both express this

Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at


Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .


* * * * * * President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the


President of the United States of America:


I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am


complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose


reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or


other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I


come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my


education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we


have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred




It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private


visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United


States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not


recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify


our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred


nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other


countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours,


that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious


and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more


right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger


days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear


that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for


myself. There is nothing here but what you see.


I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the


problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try


to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice


and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.


Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world


power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in


power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look


around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel


anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now,


clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away


will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the


constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision


1 shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they


did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe




President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation


they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic


concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the


over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than


the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of


all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad


cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and


difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the


family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their


potent part.


To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt


marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the


ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the breadwinner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with


all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the


designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large


areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties


with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even


ground to pulp.


When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually


happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine


stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of


human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common


people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.


Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic


concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world


organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war.


UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the


United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that


its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action,


and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the


shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a


Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments


for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting


sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our


path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the


2 two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt


that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.


I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and


magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.


The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an


international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we


must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to


dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization.


These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would


move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the


uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be


required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be


directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it


would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war,


and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.


It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the


secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great


Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy.


It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united


world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and


the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in


American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the


positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for


the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been


used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with


consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be


and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this


peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still


possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its


employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential


brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with


all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would


naturally be confided to that world organizations.


Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which


threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot


be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the


United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable


number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is


enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police


governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of


democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators


or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political


3 police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere


forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war.


but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of


freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the Englishspeaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas


Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous


expression in the American Declaration of Independence.


All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the


power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to


choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that


freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of


the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received


the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here


are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the


message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we


practice -- let us practice what we preach.


though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the


people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are


in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are


removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few


years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the


sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything


that has yet occurred in human experience.


Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress


which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass


quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which


should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I


have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American


orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is


a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children


if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in


full agreement.


Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic


concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure


prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained


without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking


peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and


Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for


generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only


the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred


systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our


4 military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of


weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets


at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities


for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the


possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the


mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the


British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to


important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands;


more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.


the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion


of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the


Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been


made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British


Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall


we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes


that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel


eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may


be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already


clearly see.


There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special


relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be


inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that,


on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will


achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States


relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations


between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also


our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet


Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might


well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but


mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with


Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a


critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a


world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my


father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the


United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which


harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from


being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.


I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all


countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other


particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have


"faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each


other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why


5 cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can


they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed


they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse,


and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn


again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from


which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may


return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower


immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total


destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of


allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal


association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which


both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known


to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations


of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.


A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody


knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to


do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and


proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant


Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep


sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the


peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and


rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be


secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German


aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of


the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should


welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and


our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure


you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place


before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.


From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended


across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of


Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade,


Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in


what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not


only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure


of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free


to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation.


The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make


enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of


Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The


Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe,


have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are


seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are


6 prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no


true democracy.


Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which


are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow


Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a


quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special


favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June,


the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier


agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four


hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of


territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.


If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a proCommunist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the


American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of


putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western


Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts


they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it


one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.


The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe,


from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the


strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which


occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the


United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force


of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by


irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause,


but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United


State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find


the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and


dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of


Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our


Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.


In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In


Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the


Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of


the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one


cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I


never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now.


However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and


throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in


complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the


Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States


7 where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns


constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber


facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid


comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be


most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.


The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The


Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely


favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that


the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and


when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18


months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed


about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to


expatiate on the situation there.


I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in


the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty


and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation


at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a


very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast


it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and


unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations


would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he


same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.


On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is


inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes


are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel


the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I


do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war


and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to


consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the


establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all


countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to


them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will


they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and


the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers


will become.


From what I have seen of...


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Oct 15, 2019





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