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Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 . * * * * * *...


Hey glennokayo, 

Couple Weeks ago you made for me a critical Analysis for the Truman doctrine. 

I am uploading it for you as I need it together with the Iron curtain speech. 

I need you to make the truman doctrine shorter and add the curtain speech. 

They need to be linked together.


Here are some point also.

  • 1. mention polarity or mobilise mainstream theory to explain the behaviour of the emerging superpowers (or critical theory to critique them).
  • 2. their significance in the context of the emerging Cold War
  • 3. describe the context as Soviet Union expanding its sphere of influence in eastern Europe. With increasing tension between US and USSR, truman doctrine and iron curtain both express this




Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at

 

Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .

 

* * * * * * President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the

 

President of the United States of America:

 

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am

 

complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose

 

reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or

 

other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I

 

come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my

 

education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we

 

have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred

 

establishments.

 

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private

 

visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United

 

States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not

 

recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify

 

our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred

 

nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other

 

countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours,

 

that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious

 

and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more

 

right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger

 

days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear

 

that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for

 

myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

 

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the

 

problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try

 

to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice

 

and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

 

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world

 

power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in

 

power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look

 

around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel

 

anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now,

 

clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away

 

will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the

 

constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision

 

1 shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they

 

did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe

 

requirement.

 

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation

 

they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic

 

concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the

 

over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than

 

the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of

 

all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad

 

cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and

 

difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the

 

family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their

 

potent part.

 

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt

 

marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the

 

ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the breadwinner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with

 

all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the

 

designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large

 

areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties

 

with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even

 

ground to pulp.

 

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually

 

happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine

 

stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of

 

human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common

 

people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

 

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic

 

concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world

 

organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war.

 

UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the

 

United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that

 

its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action,

 

and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the

 

shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a

 

Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments

 

for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting

 

sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our

 

path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the

 

2 two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt

 

that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

 

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and

 

magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.

 

The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an

 

international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we

 

must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to

 

dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization.

 

These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would

 

move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the

 

uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be

 

required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be

 

directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it

 

would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war,

 

and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

 

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the

 

secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great

 

Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy.

 

It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united

 

world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and

 

the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in

 

American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the

 

positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for

 

the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been

 

used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with

 

consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be

 

and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this

 

peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still

 

possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its

 

employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential

 

brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with

 

all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would

 

naturally be confided to that world organizations.

 

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which

 

threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot

 

be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the

 

United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable

 

number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is

 

enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police

 

governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of

 

democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators

 

or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political

 

3 police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere

 

forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war.

 

but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of

 

freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the Englishspeaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas

 

Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous

 

expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

 

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the

 

power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to

 

choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that

 

freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of

 

the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received

 

the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here

 

are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the

 

message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we

 

practice -- let us practice what we preach.

 

though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the

 

people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are

 

in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are

 

removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few

 

years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the

 

sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything

 

that has yet occurred in human experience.

 

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress

 

which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass

 

quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which

 

should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I

 

have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American

 

orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is

 

a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children

 

if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in

 

full agreement.

 

Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic

 

concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure

 

prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained

 

without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking

 

peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and

 

Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for

 

generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only

 

the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred

 

systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our

 

4 military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of

 

weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets

 

at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities

 

for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the

 

possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the

 

mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the

 

British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to

 

important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands;

 

more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

 

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion

 

of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the

 

Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been

 

made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British

 

Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall

 

we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes

 

that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel

 

eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may

 

be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already

 

clearly see.

 

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special

 

relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be

 

inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that,

 

on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will

 

achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States

 

relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations

 

between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also

 

our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet

 

Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might

 

well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but

 

mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with

 

Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a

 

critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a

 

world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my

 

father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the

 

United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which

 

harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from

 

being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

 

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all

 

countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other

 

particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have

 

"faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each

 

other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why

 

5 cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can

 

they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed

 

they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse,

 

and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn

 

again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from

 

which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may

 

return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower

 

immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total

 

destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of

 

allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal

 

association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which

 

both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known

 

to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations

 

of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

 

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody

 

knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to

 

do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and

 

proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant

 

Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep

 

sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the

 

peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and

 

rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be

 

secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German

 

aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of

 

the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should

 

welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and

 

our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure

 

you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place

 

before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

 

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended

 

across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of

 

Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade,

 

Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in

 

what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not

 

only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure

 

of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free

 

to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation.

 

The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make

 

enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of

 

Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The

 

Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe,

 

have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are

 

seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are

 

6 prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no

 

true democracy.

 

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which

 

are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow

 

Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a

 

quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special

 

favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June,

 

the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier

 

agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four

 

hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of

 

territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

 

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a proCommunist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the

 

American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of

 

putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western

 

Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts

 

they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it

 

one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

 

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe,

 

from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the

 

strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which

 

occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the

 

United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force

 

of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by

 

irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause,

 

but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United

 

State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find

 

the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and

 

dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of

 

Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our

 

Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.

 

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In

 

Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the

 

Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of

 

the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one

 

cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I

 

never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now.

 

However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and

 

throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in

 

complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the

 

Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States

 

7 where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns

 

constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber

 

facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid

 

comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be

 

most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

 

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The

 

Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely

 

favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that

 

the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and

 

when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18

 

months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed

 

about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to

 

expatiate on the situation there.

 

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in

 

the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty

 

and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation

 

at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a

 

very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast

 

it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and

 

unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations

 

would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he

 

same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

 

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is

 

inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes

 

are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel

 

the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I

 

do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war

 

and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to

 

consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the

 

establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all

 

countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to

 

them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will

 

they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and

 

the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers

 

will become.

 

From what I have seen of...

 


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