Couple Weeks ago you made for me a critical Analysis for the Truman doctrine.
I am uploading it for you as I need it together with the Iron curtain speech.
I need you to make the truman doctrine shorter and add the curtain speech.
They need to be linked together.
Here are some point also.
- 1. mention polarity or mobilise mainstream theory to explain the behaviour of the emerging superpowers (or critical theory to critique them).
- 2. their significance in the context of the emerging Cold War
- 3. describe the context as Soviet Union expanding its sphere of influence in eastern Europe. With increasing tension between US and USSR, truman doctrine and iron curtain both express this
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech), at
Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
* * * * * * President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the
President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am
complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose
reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or
other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I
come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my
education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we
have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private
visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United
States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not
recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify
our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred
nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other
countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours,
that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious
and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more
right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger
days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear
that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for
myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the
problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try
to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice
and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world
power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in
power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look
around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel
anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now,
clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away
will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the
constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision
1 shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they
did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation
they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic
concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the
over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than
the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of
all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad
cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and
difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the
family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt
marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the
ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the breadwinner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with
all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the
designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large
areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties
with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even
ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually
happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine
stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of
human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common
people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic
concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world
organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war.
UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the
United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that
its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action,
and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the
shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a
Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments
for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting
sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our
path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the
2 two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt
that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and
magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables.
The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an
international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we
must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to
dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization.
These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would
move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the
uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be
required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be
directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it
would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war,
and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the
secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great
Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy.
It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united
world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and
the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in
American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the
positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for
the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been
used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with
consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be
and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this
peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still
possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its
employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential
brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with
all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would
naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which
threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot
be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the
United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable
number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is
enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police
governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of
democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators
or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political
3 police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere
forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war.
but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of
freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the Englishspeaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas
Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous
expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the
power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to
choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that
freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of
the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received
the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here
are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the
message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we
practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the
people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are
in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are
removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few
years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the
sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything
that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress
which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass
quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which
should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I
have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American
orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is
a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children
if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic
concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure
prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained
without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking
peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and
Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for
generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only
the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred
systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our
4 military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of
weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets
at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities
for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the
possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the
mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the
British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to
important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands;
more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion
of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the
Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been
made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British
Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall
we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes
that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel
eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may
be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special
relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be
inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that,
on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will
achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States
relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations
between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also
our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet
Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might
well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but
mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with
Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a
critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a
world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my
father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the
United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which
harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from
being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all
countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other
particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have
"faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each
other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why
5 cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can
they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed
they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse,
and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn
again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from
which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may
return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower
immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total
destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of
allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal
association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which
both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known
to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations
of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody
knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to
do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and
proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant
Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep
sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the
peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and
rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be
secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German
aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of
the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should
welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and
our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure
you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place
before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended
across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of
Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade,
Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in
what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not
only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure
of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free
to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation.
The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make
enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of
Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The
Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe,
have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are
seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are
6 prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which
are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow
Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a
quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special
favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June,
the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier
agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four
hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of
territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a proCommunist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the
American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of
putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western
Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts
they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it
one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe,
from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the
strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which
occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the
United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force
of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by
irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause,
but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United
State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find
the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and
dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of
Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our
Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In
Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the
Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of
the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one
cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I
never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now.
However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and
throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in
complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the
Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States
7 where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns
constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber
facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid
comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be
most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The
Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely
favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that
the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and
when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18
months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed
about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to
expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in
the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty
and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation
at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a
very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast
it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and
unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations
would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he
same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is
inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes
are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel
the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I
do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war
and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to
consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the
establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all
countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to
them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will
they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and
the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers
From what I have seen of...
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